CATCO

 

 

Richard M. Nixon

 

 

Numerous articles and books have been written, and plays and films produced, on Richard Nixon.  Much of that work, however, has focused on Watergate and Vietnam.  Herb Brown’s YOU’RE MY BOY is focused on the 1950s.  So, the following material, while beginning with the overall life of Nixon (the Nixon Foundation biography and chronologies),is focused mostly on the 1950s.  These latter include  The Checkers Speech (including an analysis of his mother’s influence on his performance), the TIME MAGAZINE covers, comments on Nixon’s ambition, his relation to Whittier, CA, his complex relationship to Jews, and a recollection of the 1952 nominating process in the Republican Party.   See also material in Other Characters, especially under Murray Chotiner. For an outline of Watergate, see Nixon and the Media.

 

The Miller Center at the University of Virginia is a wonderful source for political history.  Go to http://millercenter.virginia.edu/ and note especially the link http://www.whitehousetapes.org/, where you may find audio links of the presidents’ voices.  Actors often listen to recordings and watch films and video of historical characters they are portraying in order to understand their characters better.

 

 

 

 

 

Richard Nixon Library & Birthplace:  http://www.nixonfoundation.org/

 

 

Biography of President Richard Nixon

 

The 37th President of the United States was born on January 9, 1913 in a small farmhouse in Yorba Linda, California and raised in nearby Whittier. He attended Whittier College and Duke University School of Law and then joined a law firm in his home town. He and Patricia Ryan were married in 1940.

In 1942 he applied for and received a Navy commission and was assigned to duty in the Pacific. He won a seat in the House of Representatives in 1946; in 1948 he took the lead role, as a member of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, in investigating espionage charges against Alger Hiss, who had spied for the Soviet Union before and during World War II. The case turned the young congressman into a national figure as well as a controversial one among those who asserted Hiss's innocence. After two terms he was elected to the U.S. Senate. In 1952 General Eisenhower selected him as his running mate. He was Vice President for eight years. After losing to John F. Kennedy by a razor-thin margin in 1960 and then making an unsuccessful bid for governor of California in 1962, he practiced law, wrote, and traveled extensively in Europe and Asia.

After a painstaking political comeback that astonished political friends and foes alike, he was elected President in 1968 winning re-election in 1972 by an historic margin. While in office he opened the door to the People's Republic of China, established the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, laid the foundation for the Mideast peace process, and pursued domestic initiatives that included establishing the Environmental Protection Agency, launching the "war on cancer," and bringing about the peaceful desegregation of public schools in the South. He made four appointments to the Supreme Court, including the current Chief Justice, William Rehnquist.

The central event of the the years Richard Nixon served as President --influencing virtually every aspect of U.S. foreign and domestic policy, causing substantial cultural and social upheaval, and leading ultimately to Watergate -- was the Vietnam war.

When President Nixon took office in January 1969, he became responsible for the lives of 540,000 young Americans who had been sent to Indochina under the policies of the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. Choosing not to abandon an ally to certain defeat by the armies of communist North Vietnam, the President began withdrawing U.S. troops while bolstering South Vietnam's capacity to defend itself and, when necessary, making Hanoi pay a substantial price for its aggression. Actions such as the Cambodian incursion in May 1970 and the bombing of North Vietnam in May 1972 and again in December saved American and South Vietnamese lives and won broad public support but drew harsh criticism from the anti-war movement, the prestige media, and the Democratic Congress.

In January 1973, the Paris Peace Accords were signed, ending direct U.S. military involvement and paving the way for return of U.S. prisoners of war, many of whom had been brutally tortured by the communists. At the same time, the American side pledged to continue to support South Vietnam with military and economic assistance and by using air power if the communists violated the terms of the treaties. Recent scholarship suggests that as a result of the Nixon Administration's war policies and its tactics in the peace talks at Paris, its goal of preserving the freedoms of the people of South Vietnam and Cambodia might have been fully achieved if the United States had kept its promises after the pact was signed.

A few months after the war ended, President Nixon was charged with complicity in blocking the FBI's investigation of the June 1972 Watergate break-in. In a political atmosphere made even more corrosive by Democratic control of Congress, residual tension over Vietnam, and the nation's deepening economic and energy-supply woes, the investigation was broadened to include matters ranging from the President's conduct of the Vietnam war to his income tax returns and security expenditures ordered by the Secret Service at his and Mrs. Nixon's personal residences.

After the House Judiciary Committee passed three Articles of Impeachment in July 1974 and the Supreme Court ordered the release of White House tapes that appeared to implicate the President further in Watergate, he decided to resign on August 9, 1974, prior to impeachment by the full House and the Senate trial that would have followed. Even though he was entitled under the Constitution to a trial conducted according to rules of evidence, he said that he did not want the nation preoccupied with Watergate for months to come. His second Vice President, Gerald R. Ford, was sworn in as President the same day.

During and after Watergate, meanwhile, Congress drastically cut aid to South Vietnam. While her troops fought bravely and well for months despite their depleted resources and the absence of any U.S. support from the air, South Vietnam was overrun by a Soviet Union-supported invasion by North Vietnam in April 1975. A U.S.-backed regime in Cambodia also fell, and in the wake of their victory the communist Khmer Rouge killed as many as two million Cambodians during an ideological cleansing campaign.

After he resigned the Presidency, President and Mrs. Nixon returned to their home in San Clemente, where they lived until moving to New York City in 1980. In 1981, they moved to northern Bergen County, New Jersey.

In retirement President Nixon traveled throughout the United States and in dozens of countries in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Mideast. In the fall of 1985 he undertook a five-week fact-finding trip, visiting and meeting with top leaders in China, Japan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Burma, Pakistan, Turkey, and Great Britain. In 1986 he returned to the Soviet Union to meet with Mikhail Gorbachev. Analysts later credited him with bringing the Reagan Administration and Soviet leaders closer to their eventual agreement to limit intermediate-range nuclear forces in Europe. In October 1989, during his sixth visit to China, he publicly expressed the outrage of the American people over the government crackdown in Tiananmen Square that June.

In the spring of 1991, after his first meeting with Boris Yeltsin in Moscow, he became an outspoken opponent of further aid to Gorbachev's regime. After the fall of Soviet communism at year's end, he advocated vigorous measures by the United States and its allies to support Russia's historic transition toward political and economic freedom. In the course of this work he wrote articles, gave speeches, consulted with the Bush and Clinton Administrations, and made annual visits to non-communist Russia beginning in 1992.

His ten books, all bestsellers, include Six Crises (1962); his memoirs; and his last, Beyond Peace (May 1994). In 1985, he became the first former President voluntarily to give up lifetime Secret Service protection, saving taxpayers $3 million a year.

On January 20, 1994, during ceremonies at Yorba Linda honoring him and members of his Cabinets on the 25th anniversary of his first Inauguration, he announced the establishment of the Nixon Center, a programmatically independent, Washington-based division of the Nixon Foundation dedicated to promoting his principles of enlightened national interest in foreign policy.

He died on April 22, 1994 in New York City and was buried on the grounds of the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda, at the side of his First Lady, on April 27, 1994. The eulogists at his State Funeral were President Bill Clinton, Senator Robert Dole, California Governor Pete Wilson, and his second Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger.

Senator Dole had been part of a Republican minority in 1975 that had decried Democrats' decision to abandon South Vietnam. In an address to 4,000 mourners in Yorba Linda and tens of millions watching on television, he predicted, "I believe the second half of the 20th century will be known as the age of Nixon....No one knew the world better than Richard Nixon, and as a result, the man who was born in a house his father built would go on to become this century's greatest architect of peace." President Nixon himself believed the verdict of history would depend upon who wrote it and whether their pens were guided by the passions of America's torturous and still imperfectly understood experience in Vietnam.

 


Recommended Viewing:

An Inside Look at Richard Nixon's Life
      Melanie Eisenhower

This 9 minute video project was produced by President Nixon's 16 year-old granddaughter, Melanie Eisenhower, daughter of Julie Nixon Eisenhower and David Eisenhower, for her 11th grade AP American History class. Miss Eisenhower used her high school's television studio to complete the project.
Music includes "Shambala" written by Danny Moore, performed by Three Dog Night, and "
America" performed by Simon and Garfunkel.

Download a copy of this biography:

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Text Only

Adobe Acrobat


From http://www.nixonfoundation.org/Research_Center/Nixons/RichardNixon.html

 

Born Jan. 9, 1913, Yorba Linda, California - at home.only child of the family to be born at home.
Birth certificate does not give a birth weight --- Complete Book of U.S. Presidents says he weighed 11 pounds.

Died Friday, April 22, 1994 at 9:08 EDT at New York Hospital-Cornell Medical Center from complications following a stroke he suffered on April 18th.

EDUCATION

Yorba Linda Grammar
Fullerton High School
– 1926-1928

Constitution Oratorical Champion, 1928 – Represented West Coast in National Oratorical Contest.

Whittier Union High School – 1928-1930

Constitutional Oratorical Champion, 1929 and 1930.

General Manager of Student Body – 1930.

Interscholastic Federation Gold Seal Award for scholarship

Harvard Award for best all-around student

1st in Class with honors

Whittier College – 1930-1934

Majored in history and government

Graduated 2nd in his class

Member Southern Conference Championship Debating Team, 1933

Southern Conference Intercollegiate extemporaneous speaking champion, 1934

President of Class, 1930

Vice-president of Student Body, 1933

Student Body President, 1934

First President of Orthogonians (known as the “Square Shooters”)

Scholarship to Duke Law School

Duke Law School – 1934-1937

Majored in Constitutional law, Administrative Law, and Federal Taxation

President of Law School Student Body, 1937

3rd in Class

Order of Coif – National Scholastic Fraternity for honor law students

Admitted to Bar in 1937 – California

MILITARY SERVICE

June 1942 – March 1944

Trained at Quonset Point, Rhode Island

Served at Naval Air Base in Ottumwa, Iowa.

Transferred to South Pacific Combat Air Transport Command (SCAT) and served at Lavella, Bougainville and Green Island.

Transferred to Fleet Air Wing 8 – Alameda, Calif.

Transferred to Navy Department of Aeronautics, Washington, D.C.

Citation for Meritorious and Efficient Performance at Bougainville and Green Islands.

EMPLOYMENT

Nixon Grocery – helped out in family business --- would go to L.A. for fruit and produce

Joined Wingert & Bewley in Whittier, Calif. – 1937-1942

After two years, became junior partner in Bewley, Knoop, & Nixon.

1940 – Joined with other businessmen in forming Citra-Frost Company for manufacturing frozen orange juice – (failed in two years).

1942 – Jan.-June. – Tire rationing section of Office of Price Administration in Washington, D.C. (OPA).

1961 – Joined the law firm of Adams, Duque & Hazeltine in Los Angeles.

1963 – Joined the law firm of Mudge, Stern, Baldwin, & Todd which later became known as Nixon, Mudge, Rose, Guthrie, and Alexander.

1974 – Private citizen.

Extra-curricular

Deputy City Attorney, Whittier, California 1939 to 1942

Member of Board of Trustees, Whittier College, 1939 –

President Whittier College Alumni Association, 1939

President Whittier 20-30 Club, 1939

President Duke University Alumni Association of California, 1940

PUBLIC SERVICE

1947-1950 – U.S. Congressman (Room 528 – House Office Building)

1951-1953 – U. S. Senator (Room 341 – Senate Office Building)

1953-1961 – U. S. Vice President under Dwight D. Eisenhower (Room 361 – Senate Office Building)

1969-1974 – U. S. President

Ran for Governor of California in 1962 – lost to Pat Brown.

From:  http://www.nixonfoundation.org/funfacts.shtml#TopOfPage

 

September, 1952:  Nixon’s Checkers Speech

No other vice presidential candidate, not even Theodore Roosevelt, had asserted himself like Richard Nixon did in September, 1952.  With little indication from Eisenhower, other than others’ calls for him to resign, Nixon believed the only chance he had to remain on the ticket was to present his case to a national television audience.  Given the attacks against him that he had a “slush fund” and was therefore corrupt, Eisenhower’s lack of support, the Republicans’ campaign slogan, “Korea, Communism, and Corruption,” and Nixon’s own sense of himself, the Californian’s decision makes sense.

Nixon included in the broadcast, though, two sections that greatly irritated Eisenhower.  First, Nixon demanded that all candidates do what he was doing—open their finances to public inspection.  Eisenhower had always been very private about his wealth and income and did not welcome this move.  Second, at the end, instead of resigning from the ticket, Nixon put the decision in the hands of the Republican National Committee, which, it so happened, was stacked with numerous Nixon supporters.  It was an audacious political-power move, and Eisenhower saw it as such.

Thus, in many respects, the Checkers Speech made both politicians wary of the other and, perhaps, set a tone for the next 8 years that undermined their relationship.

Note:  The $18,000 slush fund in 1952 would be $128,000 in 2005.

See this link for the text and a portion of the broadcast:  http://www.watergate.info/nixon/checkers-speech.shtml

See this link for text and complete audio:  http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/richardnixoncheckers.html

This is another link with the text, including the announcer lead-in:  http://flag.blackened.net/daver/misc/checkers.html

 

Pat Hillings on Hannah Nixon's telegram http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/presidents/37_nixon/filmmore/ra_telegram.html

The whole Nixon campaign had halted in Portland, Oregon in early, or in September of 1952, and it looked as if, at the time, that he might be replaced on the ticket. We stopped to figure out what we were going to do and that led to the famous Checkers broadcast. But at the time we were getting telegrams and messages from all over the country, a great number of them from friends of Nixon in Congress, like in the Chowder and Marching Society, and others saying that they were for him and all that. And then one evening I got a telegram from his mother. And she addressed him as Richard, which she always did, and said that she was praying for him and that she knew everything would be allright, and it was a little spiritual tone which was part of her Quaker background. And, at the time, I felt it would cheer him up. My judgment was bad. I took it into him and gave it to him, and he was sitting in a large chair, with his arms on the side, almost like the Lincoln statue that you see in Washington, the Lincoln Memorial, and I handed him the telegram, and he read it and he dropped it on his, in the chair and his head fell forward, and tears came down his eyes. And it was obvious that he'd been terribly moved by what all this meant. That it was so important to him to prove to his mother that he had never done anything wrong. And I was criticized later by Mr. Chotiner and some of my colleagues for doing that, but it turned out, I believe, that it inspired him. He's told me since, that that was one of the things that kept him fired up to go on and meet the challenge, which ultimately turned out to be successful.

 

Edward Olshaker, “The Speech that Made Nixon's Dog Famous”    http://hnn.us/articles/989.html

… Editorial comment on the "Checkers" speech varied widely. The New York Post stated that "the corn overshadowed the drama," and that the question still unanswered was "whether it is ethical, defensible, or desirable for a member of the U.S. Senate to accept an 'expense fund' from members of wealthy special-interest groups that have a direct stake in the legislative business of the Senate."  [This was the paper that broke the story.]

The
New York Journal American saw it differently: "Senator Nixon spoke from his heart in an eloquent and manly explanation of his financial affairs down to the last detail. He was fighting against what…amounted to a colossal smear…He was, in our opinion, simply magnificent."

Meanwhile, the
St. Louis Post-Dispatch noted, "Only a man of colossal nerve would undertake to convert the liability of his 'trust fund' into an asset by arguing with a straight face that he used it to save the taxpayers' money."

And the Dallas Morning News stated, "…no one who heard his frank talk to his country Tuesday night could fail to recognize that the man who faced his critics was the sort of he-man who has made the country what it is."


And this: 
The Langs also pointed out that Nixon's television appearance had transformed an issue of political morality into an issue of personal honesty and likability. This effect was revealed in "man in the street" reactions:

"The people who own dogs like I do are for Nixon. That story about the dog for his children made me love him."

"Nixon was so utterly sincere that no one could doubt his honesty."

_________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Richard Nixon has been featured on 48 Time Magazine covers; another 6 featured topics closely related to Nixon.  You may click the photos below for larger ones.

 

 

Cover            Cover            Cover            Cover            Cover                Cover            Cover            Cover

 

 

 

 

 

PBS  The American Experience Richard M. Nixon

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/presidents/37_nixon/printable.html

 

New content © 2002-2003 PBS/WGBH. Web site produced for PBS Online by WGBH.

Web site ©1997-2002 WGBH Educational Foundation.

 

 

 

 

Roger Morris on Nixon's ambition

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/presidents/37_nixon/filmmore/ra_ambition.html

PBS American Experience The Presidents Film

I think his ambition is undoubtedly rooted in part in the example of his father who was an enormously hard worker. It's certainly fueled by his mother ambition, which is very substantial. Hannah Nixon is, I think, forever trying to make up for the, not a bad marriage in an emotional sense, but a bad marriage in a social and economic sense. She wants success for all her sons and especially for this middle son who is patently talented and has this drive anyway. In part, it's fed by all of the peer reinforcement and pressure which comes of a small community which begins to celebrate the achievements of this, not quite prodigy, but obviously talented child.

In Yorba Linda he's reciting orations and performing in the second and third grade in ways that bring a lot of gratification and a lot of community adulation. So that his status and in a sense, his power, as an individual, is very early on rooted in that distinction and accomplishment. All of those things are factors. But I think that there is something deep within Richard Nixon as there is deep within all achieving individuals which transcends his family or his culture or his time and place. And that's a kind of restless little engine, a drive which would have been there, I think, had he been born in Iowa or Florida or New York or anywhere else to very different parents under different circumstances.

Roger Morris on Nixon's opponents http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/presidents/37_nixon/filmmore/ra_politician.html

There's a real sense that here's someone who's ticketed for something big and his opponents in the Democratic Party and the liberals of Southern California, I think sensed that, if not know it very early on. So there's a great feeling of uneasiness and dismay about how far and how fast he's climbing. But these are because of the combination of smear politics in Southern California and big money and very powerful forces on one side and Nixon as a very effective politician on the other, because of that unique combination, these are bitterly divisive and brutal campaigns that leave a legacy of bitterness and of discontent that lasts for generations. Richard Nixon does not simply defeat Jerry Voorhis for the Congress or defeat Helen Gahagan Douglas for the Senate in 1950, he destroys these people politically and very nearly personally, so that two extraordinarily gifted political figures who might have had very productive careers, beyond that point at which they encountered Richard Nixon, disappear from the American political landscape once and for all, never to be heard from again. Not to be appointed to office by their own party, by Presidents of their own party. Not even to be asked, for the most part, to serve on honorary commissions; simply eradicated, terminated as it were by Richard Nixon. And he does that in such a way, as to leave a great legacy of bitterness among their supporters and even among onlookers. People who were sort of neutral observers on the side. And that begins in 1946. He does not leave neutral fans along the way, does not leave people who are undecided about him.

 

Pat Hillings on Whittier's hero

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/presidents/37_nixon/filmmore/ra_whittier.html

Here was Whittier, a small town, where this young man had grown and was raised and had gone to school, and was well known; his family was well known. And as a result, right after the war, when he suddenly surprised people by defeating a 14 year congressman, he became an overnight hero, and Whittier wanted a hero. They'd never had a hero before. Nobody from Whittier had ever done much of anything. And yet, here was this new congressman who was getting a lot of national publicity because of the Hiss matter and he would crowd every meeting. Every club, every organization wanted him.

Nixon and the Jews

4-01-02: Features: HNN Polls

Nixon and the Jews
By David Greenberg
Mr. Greenberg writes Slate's "History Lesson." He is finishing a book about Richard Nixon's place in American culture.

Richard Nixon's reputation as a hateful, vindictive anti-Semite was reinforced late last month when the National Archives, which has been releasing the 3,700 hours of Nixon's tape-recorded White House conversations in installments since 1996, dropped another batch.

Whenever new Nixon tapes are released, the next-day stories invariably highlight the most outrageous tidbits, which typically include some anti-Jewish slurs. This go-round was no exception. Along with Nixon's apparently unserious threat to nuke Vietnam, reporters pounced on this 1972 exchange about Jews in the media between Nixon and the Rev. Billy Graham:

BG: This stranglehold has got to be broken or the country's going down the drain.
RN: You believe that?
BG: Yes, sir.
RN: Oh, boy. So do I. I can't ever say that, but I believe it.
BG: No, but if you get elected a second time, then we might be able to do something.

As the Chicago Tribune noted, Nixon, Graham, and Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman also cracked anti-Semitic jokes, discussed which journalists were Jewish, and lamented that Washington reporting had deteriorated since Jews entered the trade. (As the National Archives explains here, there are no complete transcripts of the tapes. However, historian Stanley Kutler edited a valuable collection of transcripts relating to Nixon's Watergate transgressions, entitled Abuse of Power: The New Nixon Tapes, and a University of Virginia project is planning to publish volumes of additional transcripts.)

As in the past, the recent reports of Nixon's Jew-bashing were followed by professions of shock. (The Anti-Defamation League's press release is here.) Such shows of indignation are probably on balance a good thing, reaffirming as they do that the president shouldn't be seeking revenge against a particular ethnic group. Yet they also betray either an incredibly short memory or a measure of disingenuousness. Have journalists forgotten the identical slurs heard on earlier tapes? Or the stories in 1994 reporting that, according to Haldeman's then-just-published diaries, Graham spoke to Nixon of "Satanic" Jews? Nixon's loyalists are no less opportunistic. For them the periodic disclosures serve as occasions to pen op-eds explaining why their benefactor, despite the slurs, really wasn't a Jew-hater. (The late Herb Stein, Nixon's [Jewish] chief economist, wrote one of these apologias in Slate.)

Defending Nixon from charges of anti-Semitism has occupied his supporters for a half-century. The accusations date to the postwar years, when the American right remained closely tied to the unvarnished anti-Semites of the '30s who railed against the "Jew Deal." Although Nixon never publicly voiced any of this old-fashioned bigotry, some of his political kinsmen did, and his strident anti-communism played with the Jew-hating fringe. (Extreme anti-communism always contained an anti-Semitic component: Radical, alien Jews, in their demonology, orchestrated the Communist conspiracy.) In Nixon's early campaigns, anti-Semitism was a latent theme.

When the Republicans nominated Nixon as their vice-presidential candidate in 1952, some opponents accused him of anti-Semitism. Nixon had Murray Chotiner, his (Jewish) campaign manager, secure the ADL's stamp of approval. Still, into the summer voters inundated campaign headquarters with letters asking about Nixon's feelings toward Jews. The candidate sometimes responded himself, with his characteristic earnestness. "I want to thank you for … your courtesy in calling my attention to the false rumor that I am anti-Semetic [sic]," he wrote in one reply. "I am enclosing a copy of a letter which Murray Chotiner has sent to these people which, I believe, is self-explanatory." The questions were kept alive by a brief flap over the revelation that in 1951 Nixon had bought a home whose deed prohibited its resale or rental to Jews. And they haunted him in his 1956, 1960, and 1962 campaigns as well. The anti-Semitism issue loomed large enough in the 1960 presidential race that Newsweek's Raymond Moley devoted a column to defending Nixon while New York's (Jewish) Sen. Jacob Javits did likewise on the Senate floor.

When Nixon was elected president in 1968, a general feeling existed, said his (Jewish) aide William Safire, that "Nixon just doesn't like Jews." To combat this impression, Nixon loyalists emphasized things Nixon did that were "good for the Jews." The main example was his delivery of arms to a besieged Israel during the 1973 Yom Kippur War. That argument was weak, since Nixon's support was both equivocal and contingent; he never believed in the moral necessity of a Jewish homeland. On other issues, the politics of Jews—overwhelmingly liberal and Democratic—and Nixon's remained far apart.

What rendered the apologias untenable was the public release of White House tape transcripts during the 1974 Watergate endgame. Safire recalled that Arthur Burns, a (Jewish) friend whom Nixon appointed Federal Reserve chairman, "felt especially incensed about the ethnic slurs on the tapes. [Leonard] Garment, [Nixon's (Jewish) counsel], Stein and I all felt that sinking sensation in an especially personal way. It simply did not fit in with all we knew about Nixon's attitude toward Jews, and it fit perfectly with most Jews' suspicions of latent anti-Semitism in Nixon, which all of us had worked so hard to allay."

Since 1974, the publication of aides' memoirs and the release of more tapes have shown that Nixon made anti-Semitic references more often than Safire and others suspected. Sometimes, he simply grouped all Jews together in an unseemly way ("[Supporters of] the arts, you know—they're Jews, they're left wing—in other words, stay away"). Other times, he was more explicit (calling supporter Robert Vesco, who later fled the country to escape criminal charges, "a cheap kike"). Sometimes he chalked up nefarious behavior to Jews ("The IRS is full of Jews," he told Haldeman, when the IRS commenced an audit of the Rev. Billy Graham. "I think that's the reason they're after Graham, is the rich Jews").

At least once the anti-Semitism appears to have had hard consequences. As Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein first reported in The Final Days, and as White House memos later confirmed, Nixon feared that a "Jewish cabal" at the Bureau of Labor Statistics was skewing data to make him look bad, and he instructed his aide Fred Malek to tally up the Jewish employees at the bureau—a count that probably resulted in the demotion of two Jews. (It later forced Malek's own resignation from George Bush's 1988 presidential campaign.)

Still, Nixon's loyalists haven't shied from defending him. Garment has argued that Nixon's words on the tapes are just private mutterings, too fragmentary to allow the conclusion that he was anti-Semitic. Others have used the "some of his best aides were Jewish" rejoinder, pointing to Burns, Chotiner, Garment, Safire, Stein, and of course Henry Kissinger (about whom Nixon privately made anti-Semitic comments). Still others, including Nixon Library Director John Taylor in a 1999 letter to Slate, contend that when Nixon said "Jews," he really meant something like "anti-war liberals," at whom he was justifiably angry.

All these claims can be easily countered. To the dismissal of Nixon's remarks as just "private," one could argue that private comments are actually more revealing than public remarks of someone's true feelings, especially since overt anti-Semitism has become taboo. And this response, like Taylor's, begs a key question: If he's not anti-Semitic, why does Nixon vent his anger at anti-war liberals by focusing on their Jewishness? Making their ethnicity central to his complaint, when their ethnicity is nowhere at issue is, arguably, exactly what defines anti-Semitism. As for the prevalence of Jewish aides in Nixonland, again one has to understand how prejudice works. Anti-Semites, racists, and other bigots construct a definition of a group based on stereotypes and then direct their hatred toward the group. When they encounter an individual who seems to defy the stereotype—a friend, an aide, a Cabinet secretary—the negative view of the group as a whole isn't called into question; rather, the nonconforming friend gets defined as an "exception," allowing the hostile picture of the group as a whole to stand. On the tapes, Nixon and Haldeman are often heard discussing exactly these sort of "exceptions."

Perhaps most important, all these apologias for Nixon seem aimed at keeping him free of some permanent stigma, of being branded with a scarlet A. But this is ultimately just a semantic concern. There's no way to settle whether Nixon was an anti-Semite—not just because you can't peer into someone's soul, but also because there's no litmus test for anti-Semitism. No, Nixon didn't hate all Jews personally, nor did he use unreconstructed Henry Ford-style anti-Jewish appeals—though, of course, virtually no major public figure in the last 50 years has. Yet clearly he thought and spoke of Jews as a group, more or less united in their opposition to him, possessing certain base and malign characteristics, and worthy of his scorn and hatred. You don't have to call that anti-Semitism if you don't want to. But there's no denying it represents a worldview deserving of the strongest reproach.

HNN:  This column first appeared on Slate.com and is reprinted with permission of the author.

The following presents a sense of “politics” in California in the 1940s and 1950s—the very background within which Nixon rose to prominence.

 

From history of the California Republican Assembly (CRA):  background on the nomination in 1952:  http://www.pa-ra.org/hist/page4.htm

 

Gearing Up Again

At the 18th Annual Convention March 2-4, 1951 in Long Beach, the main topic was the 1952 Presidential campaign. Arthur Strehlow was named to chair a 36-member Candidates' Committee.

At the November, 1951 Board of Directors meeting in Palm Springs, the committee urged Governor Warren to again allow himself to be endorsed for President.

This move followed a similar action by 17 Republican leaders, including Nixon and Knowland.

The Warren resolution sparked considerable discussion. Ed Shattuck said he favored General Dwight Eisenhower, but still felt that the California delegation should be pledged to Warren. Modesto's Horace Dryden was critical of Warren (the nature of his criticism is not available), and said folks in his neck of the woods favored Senator Taft of Ohio. Shattuck said a combination of either Eisenhower-Warren or Warren-Taft would be unbeatable."

President Markell Baer presided over the 29th Annual Convention of CRA in San Francisco on Jan. 13, 1952. The convention endorsed Senator Knowland for re-election, and endorsed Warren for President.

Joe Russell of Ventura challenged Warren's "Republicanism." Russell said either General Douglas MacArthur or Senator Bob Taft should carry the GOP banner in November.

Gordon Richmond, too, was skeptical of the Warren movement, but for a different reason: "Until the... party gets back to the people and adopts some of Warren's forward-looking ideas, we will be defeated by the Democrats as we have been in the past," said Richmond. It is unclear what he meant by Warren's "forward-looking ideas."

Warren, vacationing in Hawaii, wired his regrets that he was missing the convention, and noted that it was only the second convention he had missed since CRA was formed 20 years before.

David Ingalls spoke on behalf of Senator Taft's presidential candidacy. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge spoke for Eisenhower. Harold Stassen spoke for himself. Senator Knowland delivered the main address.

In the June 3 primary of 1952, the Warren presidential slate was opposed by a slate headed by Congressman Werdell. The Werdell slate was for "candidates other than Warren." The Warren slate won, although the Werdell "anybody else" slate carried Orange County.

In those days of cross-filing, Senator Knowland won the nomination of both parties, making his November run a mere formality.

Historic Convention

The CRA, which had helped spawn the political career of Richard Nixon, and which made him a narrow choice for its senatorial endorsement in 1950, played another key role in his becoming the Republican vice-presidential nominee in 1952.

Excerpts from a letter written by past CRA president Markell Baer to fellow past-president Dick Krugh in 1975, recall the intrigue of the 1952 National Convention in Chicago:

"Then, in 1952, Warren was again a potential candidate for the Presidency. I had the privilege of being on the train with him en route to the Chicago Convention. He reminded me of his experiences with Dewey and made it definite he would not again play second- figure as V.P. or with someone else.

"At that convention, I was appointed the Chief Page for California which gave me the privilege of attending the many committee meetings etc. Then, I was asked to serve as aide to Senator Knowland who was our floor leader.

"On the way to Chicago, Dick Nixon left the train and flew into Chicago and on returning to the train, informed the delegates that Earl had no chance; that Eisenhower or Taft would win out. Earl never forgot this, and never since trusted Nixon and thought Nixon had betrayed him. Anyway, Warren did lose the nomination.

"At the Convention, I was finally assigned in charge of the special telephone from the Convention to Warren's and Eisenhower's headquarters. The night when Eisenhower was nominated, I first got a call for Earl Warren, and learned Earl had been offered the Vice Presidency nomination and had promptly refused. Days later, Eisenhower's office in Washington phoned me as to my ideas as Earl being Associate Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. As years before I had been a special secretary ofthe Supreme Court of California I was interested and did approve Earl's appointment. As it turned out, a vacancy occurred in the Chief Justiceship, and in time I regretted Earl being appointed to such a post. But that is another story.

"With Earl's emphatic refusal to Eisenhower, I was told to get Senator Knowland. I did so, and he came to the office where I was and with his father walked up and down, arm in arm, discussing the matter. The father kept saying Bill would be pushed aside and wreck his career, and besides the father almost daily telephoned him regarding affairs at the Tribune (as I personally know) and would not be able to do so with Bill running around as Vice President. Meanwhile, the father's wife sat with me and cried over and over, that Bill should not give in, and I tried to console her. Well, Bill finally did refuse. And that was it.

"Being told to return to the said phone the next morning, I did so, and soon came a call to get Nixon. I called in the pages and was told he was at the Stockyard Inn and so reported. Then someone in Eisenhower's headquarters phoned me that I had given misinformation, that history was at stake, and it was serious, and I must produce Nixon at once, or else!

"Well, I left my post, and personally hurried to the said Inn. The clerk at first wouldn't talk to me, said he did not know Nixon and he was not registered. However, I did learn that Murray Chotiner was in the hotel and I knew Nixon was running around with Chotiner. So l managed to get up to Chotiner's apartment and in it and found Dick lying on a bed, unshaven, still in his clothes (he had been up much of the night) and looking upset. I told him to get out, get dressed up and get to Eisenhower's at once.

"Soon after returning to my telephone post, he appeared, in better shape, and again I explained all that had happened. We called a taxi and about an hour later, there he was on the platform with Eisenhower, waving to the crowd of delegates, and was nominated. Since then he has at times talked to me of this affair and laughed about it.

Sincerely,
Markell Baer
Past President, 1949-1950"

Where would history have led us if Markell Baer had not been able to locate Dick Nixon that fateful day at the Stockyard Inn?

Murray Chotiner, who served as CRA president in 1944-45, was one of Nixon's top confidantes, and would later serve as a key White House aide. He died from the effects of an auto crash in 1974. He had served Nixon for three decades.

Earl Warren's quest for the presidency was at an end. The curious period during which he was the darling of the CRA was also drawing to a close. The first time (1942) that CRA held a pre-primary endorsing convention, they endorsed Warren for governor. At every convention since then, they pushed his candidacy for whatever office he sought, up to and including 1952. That year, CRA's romance with Warren ended, but the romance with Dick Nixon, which had begun in Pasadena in 1946, began to reach full blossom.

By 1962, CRA members were circulating petitions calling for the impeachment of Chief Justice Earl Warren.

But in November 1952, CRA members were beside themselves with joy. Dwight David Eisenhower and Richard Milhouse Nixon had carried the Republican Party to national victory. Twenty California Republicans were elected to Congress. Ike-Nixon carried California by almost 700,000 votes.

For the first time since the New Deal began in 1932, the Grand Old Party had captured the White House.

And CRA enjoyed tremendous power and importance in California politics.

A Gathering of Winners

It is easy to visualize the euphoric atmosphere of the 2Oth Annual CRA Convention in Los Angeles, which opened March 6, 1953. Present-day CRA members who went to the 1981 meeting, following the victory of President Reagan, can easily understand the feeling.

Speakers at the 1953 convention included Robert Kirkwood, newly elected Controller of California, James Silliman, the new Speaker of the State Assembly, and at the Saturday night banquet, new U.S. Senator Thomas Kuchel. Kuchel was another California Republican who enjoyed a period of support by CRA, but who, like Earl Warren, would later fall into disfavor with the organization over what were considered to be "liberal" attitudes.

When Governor Warren addressed a luncheon meeting of the '53 convention, he was introduced as "the friend of the California Republican Assembly."

Vice-President Richard Nixon, who had enjoyed CRA support when he ran for the House and Senate, had this to say about the organization in 1953: "Volunteer organizations are the lifeblood of a political party. That is why all Republicans in California should give their wholehearted support to the CRA, which is the outstanding Republican organization in the state.

Hal Ramser, who served as CRA President in 1954-55, once wrote that he could recall nothing terribly exciting about his year as president, except for an undefined "hassle" with some San Diego Republicans. The Period was certainly one of relative happiness for CRA members, because Republicans controlled state politics, and California Republican Nixon was part of the White House team.

The 22nd CRA Convention was held March 11, 1955 in Pasadena, and wasted no time in pledging its support to the re-election of the Ike-Nixon team in 1956. That convention also adopted a resolution calling for a lifting of secrecy which shrouded the infamous Yalta agreements. It was at Yalta, near World War II's end, that Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill and their advisors had met to carve up Europe and sign away the freedom of the peoples of Eastern Europe to Communism.

Robert H. Power was CRA President in 1955-56. During that year, the group did what Power calls "research in depth" on UNESCO, the controversial United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization.

According to Power, the national American Legion convention that year had condemned UNESCO in what Power regarded as a "scurrilous" report. After CRA did a study and report praising UNESCO, its findings were published by the United States Commission for UNESCO, which labeled the CRA work as "one of the three best reports" on the scope and activities of UNESCO written in the U.S.

Principal researchers of the UNESCO study were identified as John Phillips (later a CRA President) and Betty Merritt.

A CRA News headline in July 1955 proclaimed that a gentleman named Howard Jarvis was chairman of the "We Want Ike" rally scheduled for the Pan Pacific Auditorium in Los Angeles later that year. The rally was sponsored by the National Republican Finance Committee. Jarvis became president of the Los Angeles County Republican Assembly in 1960. Later, of course, he would author Proposition 13 and other important tax control legislation, and would become a personal symbol of conservative opposition to Democrat tax-and-spend policies.

Pre-Primary Endorsement Once Illegal

An April, 1955 edition of CRA News revealed that the State Republican Central Committee wanted to endorse certain party candidates in the 1956 primary election, and CRA was invited to participate in the preprimary endorsement process. CRA refused, pointing out that it opposed any pre-primary endorsing by any official state party organization, and would have no part of it. Such a policy was, after all, illegal, CRA correctly pointed out.

Vice-President Nixon spoke to the banquet meeting of a CRA Board gathering in Palm Springs in 1956.

As the 1956 national election campaign heated up, Senator Knowland was cheered by an audience of more than 500 as he spoke to a Los Angeles County R.A. meeting on Sept. 25, 1956, and lambasted the Democrat national ticket headed by Adlai Stevenson of Illinois. A few weeks later, on Oct. 23, former GOP national standard bearer Thomas Dewey came to Pasadena to address an Ike-Nixon rally at the Civic Auditorium.

During that presidential campaign year, CRA boasted of more than 11,000 members.

When the 1956 Republican National Convention was held in San Francisco, CRA was one of the first grassroots groups in America to make its support of Ike and Nixon known to all. More than 100 prominent Republicans, including the President and Vice- President, were given special CRA plaques at the convention.

In November of that year, the Ike-Nixon ticket swept to an even more impressive win than in 1952. California belonged to them as completely as if it were a large ranch carrying the "Ike-Dick" brand.

In 1957, George Milias replaced Robert Fenton Craig as CRA President. At a Board meeting that year, Craig praised Senator Knowland (who spoke at the meeting) as one of the founders of CRA Craig noted that the organization had grown to 116 units. That Board meeting in Long Beach was attended, incidentally by 1,100 members.

Knowland made it clear that he favored a statewide water project.

At the 1958 CRA Convention, delegates endorsed Senator Knowland for governor, Goodwin Knight for the U.S. Senate and Assemblyman Caspar Weinberger of San Francisco for Attorney General.

The Democrat Brown Era

Weinberger, incidentally, was picked by the Capitol Press group as the most able member of the legislature.

The CRA choices won their primaries, but all were defeated in the Democrat sweep later that year. The sweep included the election of Attorney General Edmund (Pat) Brown, Sr. as governor.

During 1958, a series of columns by political observer Jack McDowell in the San Francisco Call-Bulletin detailed how CRA members (including state vice-president Bill Nelligan) were actively trying to overcome the "old guard" Republican leadership in San Francisco. Caspar Weinberger was considered a part of the Nelligan group, according to McDowell. Later that year (Dec. 12), an editorial cartoon in the San Francisco Chronicle showed a bandaged, sadsack elephant labeled "Old Guard GOP" being pushed by a younger Republican through the doors into a glue factory.

Nelligan, who was also a labor official, chaired a committee of San Francisco Republicans who called upon the party to include labor and other minority factions in the party organization. A report to that effect was drawn up by Nelligan and his vice- chairman, Leon Markel. They conferred with San Francisco Mayor George Christopher on the matter. Nelligan would later serve as CRA President in 1963-64. President in 1958 was John Phillips. He was succeeded in 1959 by Gardiner Johnson, a man who would play a key role in CRA's move toward a more conservative viewpoint.

Johnson made no bones about his support of Richard Nixon for the Presidency, after Eisenhower had completed the legal two-term limit. In fact, Johnson is reported to have told the 1959 CRA Fact-Finding Committee to not waste its time on the matter of Nixon.

"Richard Nixon (is) an outstanding and unusually-qualified candidate for the Presidency," wrote Johnson, "and the Resolutions Committee should so report." At the CRA Convention in Coronado in February, 1959, the Resolutions Committee did just that.

Also in early 1959, the intra-party struggles in San Francisco were still going on. The San Francisco Chronicle reported that a CRA paper on the matter attacked the local Central Committee as being an "in-bred" group run by "small cliques." The CRA is said to have called for a reorganization of the party in San Francisco to give it a grassroots flavor. The CRA committee making the report was headed by Bill Nelligan, and included Leon Markel, Eleanor Rossi Reno and Allen Vejar. Listed as an "advisor" to the study was Assemblyman Caspar Weinberger. The report charged that the Central Committee had used GOP funds and literature to support its own members in their campaigns for re-election to the Central Committee.

(Editor's note: The internecine fight in San Francisco may or may not have been typical of similar battles around the state as CRA tried to organize a more responsive state party apparatus. We have been able to chronicle the Frisco fight here to a certain degree because of good coverage of the subject by San Francisco newspapers, and the availability of clippings from those newspapers in the CRA archives.)

In 1960, Harvey Mydiand succeeded Gardiner Johnson as president of CRA Nixon got strong CRA backing for President. The record of other endorsements is not available.

Kennedy Wins - By A Hair

The great TV debates of 1960 between Nixon and the handsome young John F. Kennedy ushered in the showbiz age of electronic politics. Makeup became more important than issues. Kennedy rode the TV waves to a narrow victory. Uncertainty about the accuracy of the vote count in Illinois (what else is new?) clouded the result, because the vote there was extremely close, and there were widespread charges that the Democrat machine in Chicago had manipulated the vote count. The Illinois electoral votes were critical to the outcome of the presidential race. Kennedy recognized the Illinois problem in a message to Nixon. But Nixon said he did not want to cause a Constitutional crisis by disputing a presidential election. Kennedy got the tainted victory.

(Your editor was in Chicago at the time, and can attest to the scandalous state of political life there. Votes of dead men were recorded, for example, and their address was listed at a certain hotel - said to be a common Chicago Democrat trick - but the hotel had long since burned, and the address was a vacant lot.)

In 1961, CRA helped the Republican Party pick up the pieces and start again. Kennedy was in the White House and Pat Brown sat in the governor's seat.

The gubernatorial election of 1962 became a major focus of CRA concern. Possible candidates included Goodwin Knight, Lieutenant Governor Harold Powers, Assemblyman Joe Shell... and Nixon.

At a December 1961 Board meeting in Santa Maria, 500 CRA members heard Nixon make his pitch for the governor's race.

It was also in 1961 that Earl Warren fell forever out of favor with CRA During the year, his liberal interpretations of the Constitution as Chief Justice had embittered old friends. On Jan. 30, 1961, conservative writer broadcaster Dan Smoot issued a Smoot Report calling for Warren's impeachment. By the end of the year, many CRA members who had supported Warren's political rise were circulating petitions calling for his impeachment as Chief Justice. Had CRA become more conservative?

Had Warren simply become more liberal?

Was it a combination of both?

 

For an analysis of Nixon’s golf swing, see http://beauproductions.com/golfswingsws/#start

 

 

Vice President Richard M. Nixon, 1954
Appropriately titled "Socks," this photo catches

Vice President Richard M. Nixon preparing to play

golf with President Dwight D. Eisnhower at Quantico, Va.

George Tames/The New York Times Photo Archives

 

“Of course, if I had the top job I’d act differently.”  Herblock, October 16, 1958  The Washington Post

 

Nixon’s campaign tactics in the off-year elections elicited this political cartoon.  Nixon struggled with his loyalty to the Republican Party and his desire to be president some day.

 

 

 

 

Richard Nixon and Prescott Bush

 

Richard Nixon consulted with Prescott Bush before the Checkers Speech.

 

Bush was born in Columbus, Ohio, attended Yale University, served in France in World War I, was successful in several businesses, was a senator from Connecticut, a strong supporter of President Eisenhower, holder of several offices in the U.S. Golf Association, and one of the earliest supporters of the United Negro College Fund.  One of his sons (George H.W. Bush) and one of his grandsons (George W. Bush) became presidents of the U.S.  For more information, see http://www.nationmaster.com/encyclopedia/Prescott-Bush

 

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Nixon and Woody Hayes

From: http://www.wosu.org/tv/woody/politics.php

 

Hayes’ maintained a relationship with President Richard M. Nixon, even during the difficult years of Watergate. Nixon, a man intimately acquainted with risk, appreciated Woody’s propensity for risk-taking: “He could have quit [after] three national championships and seven Big Ten championships. He had to know that it was a risk to stay on. It is a rule of life that if you take no risks, you will suffer no defeats. But if you take no risks, you will win no victories. Woody did not believe in playing it safe. He played to win.”

Hayes had continuing relationships with other
U.S. presidents. Despite his career as a football player for the University of Michigan, Former President Gerald Ford managed to cement a lasting friendship with the Buckeye coach. Having met first during the 1930s, Ford considered Hayes his very good friend, and he said that “Woody was one of the most dedicated competitors I ever knew. He was strong, fierce, but always fair. I admired him tremendously.” Not only did Ford admire Hayes for his avid coaching and mentoring, but he claimed that “Woody was the most knowledgeable on American political history.” Hayes and Ford remained good friends after the former President’s term in the White House.

Maintaining his presidential closeness, Hayes was invited to Ronald Reagan’s inauguration as well, although he didn’t seem to have the relationship with Reagan that he had had with earlier presidents
.

 

Richard Nixon commented at his memorial that “the last nine years of Woody Hayes’ life were probably his best. He made scores of inspirational speeches all over the country. He gave all of the honorariums from those speeches to the Woody Hayes Cancer Fund at Ohio State University. He raised tens of thousands of dollars for crippled children in his annual birthday and Valentine's Day phone-a-thons. He gave pre-game pep talks to his beloved Ohio State team, now coached by one of his “boys,” Earle Bruce. He basked in the warm glow of tributes that were showered upon him by those who played under him and others that had come to know him, love him, and respect him.”